On Sunday, 12 October 2025, Paul Biya, the 92-year-old president of Cameroon, secured his seventh term in office after winning the nation’s presidential election with exactly 54 percent of the vote. The results, certified by the Constitutional Council of Cameroon on 14 October, confirmed his defeat of opposition leader Issa Tchiroma of the Cameroon National Salvation Front (CNSF), who garnered 35 percent. With over seven million registered voters and a 62.3 percent turnout, the election cemented Biya’s status as the world’s second-longest-serving non-royal head of state — a reign now stretching 43 years since he first took power on 6 November 1982. The outcome, while legally valid under Cameroonian law, has reignited global debate over leadership, age, and democratic legitimacy in Africa’s longest-running autocracies.

Legal Challenges and Constitutional Controversy

Biya’s candidacy wasn’t uncontested. On 15 March 2025, prominent opposition figure Akere Muna, registered as a presidential candidate under file NEC/PRES/2025/AM/001, filed a formal petition with the Constitutional Council of Cameroon. His argument? Biya was unfit to govern. Muna cited three grounds: Biya’s advanced age, his 72-day medical absence in Geneva between January and March 2025, and his reliance on Chief of Staff Ferdinand Ngoh Ngoh to carry out presidential duties. The council, led by Justice Jean Mba Eyah, dismissed the petition on 28 March 2025 under ruling CC/RUL/2025/045. No medical records were made public. No independent assessment was ordered. The decision, critics say, reflected institutional loyalty over constitutional scrutiny.

The System That Allows Forever Rule

Biya’s continued presence in power is made possible by a constitutional amendment passed in 2008. Cameroon’s National Assembly voted 149 to 1 on 10 April 2008 to eliminate presidential term limits — a move signed into law by Biya himself on 18 April 2008. Before that, Article 6 of the constitution limited presidents to two consecutive seven-year terms. The change was presented as "modernization," but it effectively erased any legal barrier to Biya’s rule. He won the 2018 election with 71.28 percent — a margin that has since shrunk, suggesting eroding public support. In 2025, his vote share dropped nearly 18 points. Still, under Cameroon’s first-past-the-post system, no majority is required. Just the most votes.

Who Else Was in the Race?

While Biya and Tchiroma dominated headlines, seven other candidates split the remaining 11 percent. Maurice Kamto of the Cameroon Renaissance Movement (CRM) took 4.2 percent, followed by Garga Haman Adji (UDP) at 2.1 percent and Cabral Libii (MDC) at 1.8 percent. The rest were scattered among minor parties. Notably, Muna, despite his legal challenge, finished outside the top two — a sign that even among opposition voters, his credibility didn’t translate into broad support. The Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), Biya’s party since 1985, still controls every branch of government. Its headquarters in Yaoundé remains the nerve center of power.

Voter Turnout and Regional Divides

The official turnout of 62.3 percent — 4.37 million votes cast — masks deep regional fractures. In the Centre Region, where Yaoundé sits and the CPDM’s base is strongest, turnout hit 78.4 percent. In the conflict-ridden Northwest Region, where separatist violence has displaced tens of thousands, only 41.2 percent of registered voters showed up. The CNSF claims ballot stuffing and voter suppression occurred in both the Northwest and Southwest. On 15 October, party spokesperson Honoré Mobio announced plans to request a recount by 20 October. But legal experts like Professor Fombad CM of the University of Yaoundé II warn the chances of success are near zero. Article 54(5) of the constitution allows recounts only for polling stations with documented technical malfunctions — not allegations of fraud.

What Comes Next?

By law, Biya must be inaugurated for his new term within fifteen days of the official proclamation — meaning no later than Monday, 29 October 2025. The ceremony will likely occur at the Unity Palace in Yaoundé, though no date or details have been announced as of 28 October. What’s clear is that Biya will remain president, surrounded by aging allies, while a new generation of Cameroonian voters — 60 percent of the population is under 25 — watches from the sidelines. The CPDM controls the state media. The judiciary is aligned. The military remains loyal. But the silence of the streets speaks volumes.

The Weight of History

Biya’s rule began the day after President Ahmadou Ahidjo resigned in 1982 — a quiet transfer of power that was, at the time, hailed as orderly. He has survived coup attempts, economic collapse, and international sanctions. He has overseen the rise of Boko Haram’s spillover into the Far North and the anglophone crisis that has killed over 6,000 since 2016. His government has never held a truly free election. Yet, he remains. The world has moved on. But Cameroon, it seems, is stuck.

Frequently Asked Questions

How did Paul Biya stay eligible to run despite his age and health issues?

The Constitutional Council of Cameroon rejected opposition petitions citing age and health because the Cameroonian constitution sets no upper age limit for president. Unlike countries such as Kenya or South Africa, there’s no requirement for medical fitness evaluations or public disclosure of health records. The council ruled that only constitutional qualifications — citizenship, age minimum of 35, and voter registration — applied. Biya’s absences and reliance on aides were deemed internal matters, not legal disqualifiers.

Why did voter turnout vary so dramatically across regions?

Turnout differences reflect both security conditions and political alienation. In the Centre Region, state presence is strong and turnout was high. In the Northwest and Southwest, ongoing separatist conflict has made voting dangerous or impossible for many. Over 700,000 people are displaced in those regions. Many voters, especially youth, see elections as a charade — a ritual that legitimizes Biya’s rule without delivering change. Low turnout in those areas isn’t apathy; it’s protest.

Can the CNSF’s recount request actually change the outcome?

Almost certainly not. Article 54(5) of Cameroon’s constitution permits recounts only if there’s documented evidence of technical malfunction — like broken machines or mismatched ballot counts — not allegations of fraud or intimidation. The CNSF hasn’t produced such evidence. Even if they did, the Constitutional Council, which has consistently ruled in Biya’s favor, holds final authority. Legal scholars agree: this is a symbolic move, designed to rally opposition supporters, not to overturn results.

What does this mean for Cameroon’s future?

With Biya likely to remain president until his death or incapacitation, the country faces a leadership vacuum. No clear successor has emerged within the CPDM. The military and bureaucracy are aging with him. Young people — the majority of the population — are increasingly disconnected from politics. Without meaningful reform or succession planning, Cameroon risks instability when Biya finally leaves office — whether through election, illness, or death. The 2025 vote didn’t just re-elect a president. It postponed a reckoning.

How does this compare to other long-serving African leaders?

Biya is now the second-longest-serving non-royal head of state globally, behind only Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who has ruled since 1979. Both came to power via coups, eliminated term limits, and suppressed dissent. Unlike Rwanda’s Paul Kagame or Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni — who have faced growing domestic resistance — Biya’s regime has avoided mass protests, partly due to tighter media control and a fragmented opposition. But the 2025 vote shows his grip is weakening — not through revolution, but through quiet disillusionment.

Is there any international pressure on Cameroon to change its system?

Minimal. Western nations, including France and the U.S., maintain diplomatic and military ties with Cameroon due to its strategic role in countering Boko Haram and stabilizing Central Africa. While the EU and UN issued generic statements calling for "transparent elections," no sanctions were imposed. China and Russia, meanwhile, have increased cooperation with Yaoundé. For global powers, stability trumps democracy. Cameroon’s election, then, was less about legitimacy — and more about continuity.